Multiple Agreement across Domains 2018

Страна: Германия

Город: Berlin

Тезисы до: 05.08.2018

Даты: 08.11.18 — 09.11.18

Область наук: Филологические;

Е-мейл Оргкомитета: puskar /at/ leibniz-zas.de

Организаторы: Leibniz-Zentrum Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft

 

The aim of the workshop Multiple Agreement across Domains (MAD 2018) is to provide a platform for the discussion of empirical and theoretical challenges raised by phenomena of two broad types: (i) agreement of a single target with multiple controllers, and (ii) agreement of multiple targets with a single controller.

This workshop aims at a discussion of two aspects of multiple agreement: (i) agreement of a single target with multiple controllers (one Probe -- multiple Goals, adopting the terminology of Chomsky 2001), and (ii) agreement of multiple targets with a single controller (multiple Probes -- one Goal).

Under the umbrella of one Probe -- multiple Goals configurations we can find such diverse phenomena as verbal agreement with both an indirect and a direct object, subject + object agreement on finite verbs, complementizer agreement with two different elements in the clause, or agreement with multiple conjoined noun phrases. These phenomena have been associated with concomitant surface morphological effects (such as the Person-Case Constraint, Differential Object Marking, hierarchy effects in inflectional morphology, or closest-conjunct agreement, respectively). This has both advanced our understanding of their underlying connection and led to controversy regarding the division of labour between syntactic and post-syntactic modules. Moreover, it still seems to be unclear whether multiple agreements occur simultaneously or sequentially and in what way exactly they are performed. In addition to this, the challenges of targeting goals in different syntactic domains as well as those of the morphological phenomena that accompany multiple agreement still call for closer scrutiny.

In contrast, in the Multiple Probes -- one Goal configurations, a single syntactic element can serve as a source of features for multiple agreement targets. This phenomenon is, for instance, embodied in agreement of two verbal elements with a single noun, adjectival and verbal agreement with a single controller, or complementizer and verbal agreement with a single noun phrase. Patterns of this type challenge theories that subscribe to some notion of the Activity Condition (Chomsky, 2001) and deactivation of an NP after agreement/case assignment, and tie into the debate on what it takes to syntactically license an NP and whether agreement, instead of case, should be responsible for this.

We therefore welcome theoretical, experimental, computational and typological work pertaining (but not restricted) to the issues regarding multiple agreement raised above.

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